IN SEARCH OF A SUITABLE DATE
Just before Christmas, the Iraqi president visited a Christian
church in that country and as well as announcing that henceforth Christmas Day
would be a public holiday, he paid homage to the Assyrians as the indigenous
peoples of Iraq.
“How do you feel about that?” I asked my wife. The response was
swift and devastating. “After a millenium of persecution and genocide, what are
we supposed to do with such an empty gesture? Trust me, more than anyone, we
know how the Indigenous Australians feel about Australia Day.”
Iraq of course, is not Australia. Australia has striven in
various ways of late to recognise the hardship caused to Indigenous Australians
by Anglo-Celtic settlement. Iraq celebrates as a national holiday, Republic
Day, being the day that the Hashemite ruling dynasty was murdered in 1958, as
well as National Day, being the day that Iraq gained independence from the
British in 1932. These are, unless you happen to be a monarchist, politically
neutral days which had a profound effect upon the shaping of modern Iraq and
which can be celebrated by citizens of all religions and ethnicities.
Australia Day, is however, the only Australian national day and
it is neither politically neutral, nor has the event it commemorates had a
profound effect upon the formation of modern Australia. Instead, it is
celebrated on 26 January in order to commemorate the arrival of the First Fleet
in this country in 1788. That event did not lead to the foundation of a country
called Australia. What it did do, was to lead to the foundation of New South
Wales as a British colony, which is why as early as 1818, the date was
celebrated in that colony as “Foundation Day.” As far as the rest of us go, and
by us I mean Australian citizens of British descent whose ancestors were not
transported to or settled in the British colony of New South Wales, the event
is not nation forming in any way whatsoever.
It is the widespread concern that commemorating Australia Day on
26 January triumphalises the appropriation of this land from its original
owners and the consternation they have expressed at celebrating a day that for
them marks in invasion of their country and their dispossession that has
focused public debate as to the suitability of the said date. Most importantly,
it should not escape our attention that as far back as 1936, the same date was
declared a Day of Mourning by the Aborigines Progressive Association and the
Australian Aborigines League as a protest against the “Whiteman's seizure of
our country.” Yet even if it were not for this unfortunate chapter in
Australia’s history which needs to be acknowledged in full, using the
anniversary of the foundation of a British colony as a day to unite all
Australians would still raise questions as to its appropriateness, suitability
and relevance of that date to arguably the majority of modern Australians.
Australia as a modern nation came into being on 1 January 1901,
with the federation of the British colonies on the continent and commentators
within our community have suggested that marking this date with a holiday would
be eminently more suitable. Yet there are both practical and political
considerations that mitigate against the adoption of this as a more suitable or
inclusive date. Firstly, we already observe a perfectly decent holiday on that
date, New Year’s Day. Secondly, and most importantly, while Federation is
undoubtedly a significant event, it is arguable that there existed no
Australians in its aftermath. Prior to 1949, Australia held Dominion Status
within the British Empire and its inhabitants were considered to be British
subjects. It was only with the passage of the 1948 Australian Nationality and
Citizenship Act that an official Australian citizenship was created and it
could be argued that this day one in which an emerging sense of nationhood was
formally recognised, is worth commemorating as a day that unites all
Australians.
Inconveiently, the Act came into effect on 26 January 1949, so
we are no better off than where we started. Further, while Australian citizens
were created at that time, the fact remained that the privilege of becoming one
was not open to all people. Just a few years earlier, in 1941, Australian Prime
Minister John Curtin articulated a restrictive vision for Australia that if in
effect today, would have excluded a large portion of the Australian community:
“This country shall remain forever the home of the descendants of those people
who came here in peace in order to establish in the South Seas an outpost of
the British race. Our laws have proclaimed the standard of a White Australia.”
The celebration of this type of citizenship, informed as it was by the White
Australia Policy, at this time, would be problematic to say the least.
Curtin, however, was prescient enough to know that as a country
evolves, so to does its conception of citizenship. In the same speech, he
proceeded to acknowledge that the Australian understanding of belonging is not
set in stone: “If we were to depart from it [the White Australia Policy] we
should do so only as a result of free consent.” The process however, took a
long time. In 1949, shortly after the Nationality and Citizenship Act came into
effect, the War-time Refugees Removal Act 1949 was passed. Ostensibly enacted
in order to empower the minister of Immigration: “to force any person to depart
the country who had been allowed to enter as a result of the war and had not
since left,” its real aim was to give the federal government the explicit
authority to deport non-white foreigners who had arrived in Australia during
the Second World War.
Mass-migration and Australia’s post-War development slowly
eroded the official conception of Australia as a bastion of whiteness. In 1950,
the External Affairs Minister Percy Spender instigated the Colombo Plan,
whereby students from Asian countries were permitted entry into the country to
study at Australian universities and in 1957, non-Europeans who had fifteen
year’s residence in Australia became eligible for citizenship. In discussing
the newly passed Migration Act in 1958, Immigration Minister Alick Downer
announced that “distinguished and highly qualified Asians' might immigrate” and
in March 1966, Prime Minister Harold Holt stated in the press that Australia no
longer had a White Australia policy, but instead had a “restricted immigration
policy.” Indeed, on 24 March 1966, during the House of Representatives debate
on the passage of the Migration Act, government MP Sir Keith Cameron Wilson
stated: “From now on there will not be in any of our laws or in any of our
regulations anything that discriminates against migrants on the grounds of
colour or race.”
For the first time ever, Australian government policy was
formally articulated in such a way so as allow the possibility of any and all
people, of whichever ethnic background or nationality, the possibility of
becoming an Australian. Is not this date, without which the Whitlam
Government’s formal abolition of the White Australia Policy in 1973, its
passage of the Racial Discrimination Act in 1975 and Fraser Government’s
passage of the Migration Act on 1978 in which the selection of migrants based
on country of origin was completely removed from official policy may have been
possible, a date which forms the true foundation of the modern Australian
identity as encompassing any and all creeds, colours, ethnicities and language
groups worth celebrating as a national day of inclusivity which unites all
Australians and not just the particular strain of European who happened to
establish themselves here first?
The 26th of January is a significant day in the Australian
calendar and it should remain such as a national day of remembrance and
reflection. If we are truly however, looking for a date that all Australians
can celebrate, one could do worse than look beyond 24 March, a particularly
convenient date, if you happen to be a Greek-Australian.
DEAN KALIMNIOU
First published in NKEE on Saturday 25 January 2025
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